Now That I Have Your Attention…

Two days in and The Closing of American Academia is still the most trafficked article on Al Jazeera, with over 5000 Facebook shares and 1000 tweets. It has prompted an overwhelmingly positive and passionate response and some interesting blog posts, which I’ll get to in a minute. But first I should clarify a few things.

The article is about a failed system, not about my academic career, although I wish those who want to make it about me the best of luck. At the same time, there are a few things worth clarifying, if only because they illuminate the broader situation. I have no debt from my PhD. I had free tuition and a stipend for all of graduate school. There is no need to pick on Washington University – they are much better at funding graduate students than most places. The only reason Washington University enters the picture is because they have the misfortune of having a former student with an international media platform.

I entered graduate school in 2006. In 2008, the academic market collapsed and has never recovered. As this chart points out, academic jobs have been cut by as much as 40% — in a market that was already tight but not hopeless. It is hopeless now, unless you are willing to spend your own money getting paid below minimum wage to work for years as contingent faculty, which I am not. I am not an adjunct. But my friends are, my colleagues are, and I think it is important for their situation to be documented and publicized. In particular, I hope that parents of college students realize how the majority of their childrens’ professors are being treated, and what impact this has on the quality of their education.

I have received many emails from PhD students asking whether they should stay in their programs. This is a personal decision — the only definitive advice I have is to never take on debt. I recommend current PhD students read this great post on how to maximize your time in school and prepare yourself for the non-academic job market. I do not regret getting my PhD. The degree may be meaningless, but the work I produced is invaluable. Graduate students need to be their own mentors.

Academia has been described as a cult. If so, I am your Katie Holmes — but I am not alone. “In order to reform higher education, many of us will have to leave it, perhaps temporarily, but with the conviction that the fields of human activity and values we care about will be more likely to flourish outside of academe than in it,” writes Dr. William Pannapacker, the outspoken academic formerly known as Thomas H. Benton. (It is no coincidence that the Chronicle employs more pseudonyms than any other journal; such is the terrified nature of higher ed.) As my fellow anthropologist Dr. Karen Kelsky writes, it’s okay to quit.

For those determined to stay in academia no matter what, may the odds be ever in your favor. But I encourage you to stand up for yourself, to speak openly, to be your own advocate and to look out for each other.

You are worth more than they tell you.

Now onto the blog posts:

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On American Academia

Yesterday I published an article, The Closing of American Academia, which went viral and is currently the most-read and most-shared article on Al Jazeera’s website.  It has generated a lot of discussion about exploitation, elitism and academic culture, as well as a great post from Jay Ulfelder on non-academic careers for social science PhDs. I have been overwhelmed with emails and comments from readers around the world.

One of the most interesting comments I got was from a friend of mine who liked the article, but found it “so depressing”. When I asked why, he compared the situation of American contingent faculty to frogs placed in boiling water. If you throw them into boiling water, they will jump out in horror. But if you turn the water up slowly, they will not realize they are being boiled alive until it is too late.

This is an apt analogy in its own right, but what interested me most is that the person who posted it is an exile from Uzbekistan, one of the most brutal dictatorships in the world. The majority of my academic research has been on Uzbekistan. I have debunked a terrorist group, chronicled the lives of persecuted refugees, and investigated a massacre and its aftermath. But it is my article on American academia that is making people depressed.

I will have more to say on this subject in the coming days – and I’m sure others will as well. Check back for updates, and read the article here.

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Pussy Riot Are Manic Pixie Dream Dissidents

In case you don’t have enough Pussy Riot coverage in your life (or coverage of Pussy Riot coverage), I have added to the over-saturation with my latest for Registan:

In 2005, film critic Nathan Rabin coined the phrase Manic Pixie Dream Girl to describe a woman who “exists solely in the fevered imaginations of sensitive writer-directors to teach broodingly soulful young men to embrace life and its infinite mysteries and adventures”. Pussy Riot are Manic Pixie Dream Dissidents, blank revolutionary slates onto which Westerners are projecting their hipster fantasies.

At a protest rally in New York, celebrities like Chloe Sevigny pretended to be Pussy Riot members (a tribute yet to be paid to Kasparov or Khodorovsky) while fans proclaimed to feel their pain. “Pussy Riot makes me feel like, I can imagine being thrown in jail for doing absolutely nothing,” said one attendee. Well, no, actually, she won’t, but it is not about reality, it is about a Western fantasy of relevance and dissent. “Punk matters”, claim legions of articles on Pussy Riot, with the subtext:  “I matter, too.”  And so around the world, we have Pussy Riot reenactments, Pussy Riot sublimations – protests free from arrest or anxiety, isolated from historical and political context.

Read the full article here.

Update: A slightly edited version of this article was republished in The Atlantic.

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Why I Censored Myself

I got an email last week from a woman from Uzbekistan who is now living outside the country. She had read my Atlantic article about Gulnara Karimova, liked it, and decided to post it on her Facebook page. She then got an email from her brother, who was about to go back to Uzbekistan, asking her to take it down so he wouldn’t get into trouble. The woman wasn’t sure what to do, so she wrote to me and asked what I thought. I told her to take down my article for her brother’s safety.

It is strange and sad to recommend that someone censor your own work, but even more so when that person is part of the very audience you hoped you would reach. But that is the reality of Uzbekistan.

I often get asked how people can use the internet safely in authoritarian states, and what they can do to protect themselves while expressing their political views. There are a lot of familiar responses. You can tell people to be open and brave, you can tell people to be clever and circumvent detection. But that’s not what I did. I told her to back away.

I’m writing this so people will understand the position of political dissidents and ordinary citizens in places like Uzbekistan. Media portrayals of dissidents tend to emphasize the personal struggle, the lonely heroism of an individual against an inhumane system. But every dissident tells me their greatest fear is not what will happen to themselves. It is what will happen to their loved ones, and whether they will feel responsible. And this holds true for people who have no interest in politics as well.

We can talk about access, and openness, and freedom of information. But no abstract principle can trump the vulnerability of a human being. No policy recommendation can compete with the repercussion for following it, or the responsibility inherent in advocating it.

Recently online activists drafted a Declaration of Internet Freedom outlining core principles: don’t censor, promote access. These are good ideas. I support advocacy for internet freedom – I write about it and speak about it and back others who do. I have great respect for people who speak out against corrupt governments and for the organizations which try to protect them.

But when confronted directly about someone’s safety, I fold. Suddenly nothing I write seems worth it.

I know a lot of people who have been censored in Uzbekistan. But I know even more people who self-censor. And now I’m one of them. Because there is sadness behind that beautiful cliche of the internet: the knowledge that we are all connected.

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Keeping Up With the Karimovs

I have a new article about Gulnara Karimova, the 40-year-old daughter of the dictator of Uzbekistan. Gulnara is a businesswoman known for her ties to organized crime and usurping of Uzbek enterprise, but she also likes to record breathy dance pop music under the alias Googoosha. I examine this vital foreign policy issue for Registan:

When YouTube gives you  Kim Kardashistan, it is hard to turn away. But the emergence of Googosha raises a number of strange questions. Why is a middle-aged, Harvard-educated woman, one of the richest women in the world, courting the approval of Americans – not only Americans, but ridiculous, Snooki-esque Americans, like the ones dancing to “Round Run (DUB Mix)” in Tampa? Why is Billboard magazine, that pre-iTunes icon of relevance, so meaningful to Gulnora that she risked humiliating herself by first claiming to be on the cover (an advertisement) and then proclaiming to have earned a place on the charts (a lie)? When you rule the court of political propaganda, why crash and burn on the real-world stage?

Five minutes after this was published, Gulnara blocked me on Twitter. Ponder the possible reasons for that in “Why Dictator’s Daughters Still Can’t Have It All“.

Update: The Atlantic has republished this article under the title Kim Kardashistan: A Violent Dictator’s Daughter on a Quest for Pop Stardom.

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Internet and Social Control in Uzbekistan

The NetProphet blog at Transitions Online did a nice review of my new report for the New America Foundation on internet freedom and social control in Uzbekistan:

The study, by American anthropologist Sarah Kendzior is the most comprehensive on this topic to date. It is highly readable, even for readers who do not know much about the region. It challenges a lot of preconceptions on the internet’s capacity to bring about social change, particularly in the context of an authoritarian regime. Uzbekistan’s online forums, blogs, and news sites are in line with the country’s political life at-large. Web users are subject to the same oppression online as on the streets. Furthermore, Kendzior concludes that Uzbeks self-censor in a sphere where anonymity is not a guarantee.

Read the rest of the article here. My report for New America can be found here. Thank you, Transitions Online!

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Understanding the Violence in Tajikistan

A lot of people have been asking me about the outbreak of violence in Tajikistan so I decided to put together a list of sources and coverage.

The best writer on Tajikistan, in my view, is Christian Bleuer, a Central Asia expert who is, unlike most academics, a thoughtful and engaging writer. Here is his blog. Be sure to check out his most recent post, What’s going on in the mountains of Tajikistan?

Christian also runs Tajikistan Research Resources, which is an online portal for scholars, researchers, students, journalists, policy-makers, NGO/humanitarian workers, travelers, and others who want to better understand Tajikistan.

Tajikistan has been studied much less than other Central Asian countries, but has been a key research site for a younger generation of Central Asia scholars. Besides Christian, I recommend Brent Hierman (political science), Christopher Whitsel (sociology), Zohra IsmailBeben (anthropology) and Daniel Beben (history) as sources on Tajikistan. Zohra and Daniel did research in Gorno-Badakhshan, the province where the violence is taking place.

News coverage on the conflict has been better than expected given the difficulty of gathering information in the region. Communications have been cut in Gorno-Badakhshan, a mountainous region which is notoriously difficult to access. Here are a few highlights:

Eurasianet: Tajikistan: Will Ceasefire End Deadly Conflict in Gorno-Badakhshan?

Economist: Violence in Tajikistan: The Strongman Cometh

Radio Free Europe: Explainer: Violence In Tajikistan’s Badakhshan Province A Legacy Of The Civil War

Eurasianet: Tajikistan Blocks YouTube, Steps Up Info Restrictions After Clashes

On YouTube, PamirTV has been uploading video of clashes and television news reports.

I’ll update this post as more information comes in.

Update: Anthropologist Zohra Ismail-Beben has written a great article giving context to the conflict on Registan.

Update: Some of the best reporting on the violence has been in Tajik, a language not served by Google translate and other online translation systems. The website eTajikistan is doing an important service by providing English translations of these articles.

Update: Global Voices Online describes how the conflict is affecting the Tajik and Pamiri diaspora and internet communities as well as the government’s attempts to cut communications to the region. (I’ve heard that telecommunications have since been partially restored, although Tajik security officials are said to be confiscating photos and video at the airport.)

Update: You can always count on Russia’s Central Asia analysts for a bizarre and conspiratorial take on current events, and this article from Regnum — arguing that the conflict in Gorno-Badakhshan will cause Afghan militants to arm Uzbeks against Kyrgyzstan — is no exception. As usual, the road to hyperbole leads through the Ferghana Valley.

Update: The Facebook group Peace in Khorog has over 1000 members. Updates on the conflict in Tajik, Russian and English.

Update: You may notice all these updates avoid answering a key question — what is happening in Tajikistan? From Radio Free Europe: Tajik Militants ‘Agree’ to Surrender. From The News (Pakistan): Tajik militants refuse to lay down weapons. These articles were published at the exact same time. I would argue that unless you are in Khorog, you don’t know what’s happening in Khorog. (Actually even if you are in Khorog, you probably don’t know what’s happening either.)

Updated with unsubstantiated scary rumors: Tajik militants have headed off with explosives to blow up the Lake Sarez dam, potentially killing millions of people! The corpse being dragged through the street in that awful video is actually IRPT member Sabzali Mamadrizoev! These are probably not true. But people are talking about them anyway.

Update: Last night I did a radio interview with BBC World Service on the conflict in Khorog. Today the Tajik government blocked the BBC website. But I do not take credit (or blame).

Final update, 7/31: The violence has died down, so the last thing I will leave you with is this excellent editorial by Abakhon Sultonnazarov, the regional director for the Institute of War and Peace Reporting: How Will Badakhshan Recover?

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Digital Freedom of Expression in Uzbekistan

Today the Open Technology Institute at the New America Foundation published my report, “Digital Freedom of Expression in Uzbekistan:  An example of social control, and censorship,  in the 21st Century”. You can download it here.

This report has been in the works for awhile, and to my knowledge is the most comprehensive look at the internet and politics in Uzbekistan. The first part gives an overview of internet use, including citizen access, user-generated content, social media, online journalism, and domestic and exile websites.

The second part examines internet censorship in Uzbekistan from a historical perspective, tracing how laws and regulations on the internet were changed in reaction to political events and how state and dissident politics were transformed by legal maneuvers.

Among the topics discussed are the impact of the 2005 Andijon events, the increased role of the national security services (NSS) in internet regulation, changes made to the legal code and state technological infrastructure to ensure centralized control, and ways in which the government is responding to new technologies like mobile phones and social media.

Writing this report on Uzbek internet freedom taught me a lot about censorship, intimidation and institutional corruption. I came to know all too well how advocates of free speech struggle to produce their works in an environment marked by fear and harassment – an environment not unique to Uzbekistan, but found, sometimes, in more open societies as well.

Read the full paper here.

Update: Lisa Goldman did a great write-up of the paper at Techpresident.com.

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On the FPWomeratti

Every year Foreign Policy magazine unleashes its annual experiment in ego-trolling known as the Twitterati 100, in which it lists the 100 foreign policy experts who you should follow on Twitter. The list always inspires debate, but this year it caused outcry since a mere 14 of the 100 were women – and some big names in foreign policy were left off the list. One of those women, Jillian C. York, a fellow scholar of the internet who does great work on political activism, got together with a few others and created the FPWomeratti – a list of 100 recommended female foreign policy follows. It’s a great list and I’m happy to be on it (look for me under Asia) – although the pink Twitter logo shows FP still has a ways to go. The original, crowd-sourced list has a lot of great women on it too – you can view it here.

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Law, Corruption and the Internet in Uzbekistan

What happens when citizens of corrupt states start acting like laws have meaning? For Al Jazeera, I wrote about the Uzbek legal website Adolat.net, which educates Uzbek citizens on their legal rights:

Adolat’s founders are adamant that they are not a opposition group and that they have no interest in upending the existing constitutional system – in fact, they have featured President Karimov’s statements on the importance of the law on their website. Despite its apolitical agenda, Adolat has been banned. In Uzbekistan, showing people how to follow the law constitutes an act of radical subversion.

It is no mystery why Uzbeks are forbidden to read Adolat. The website asks Uzbek citizens to buy into a delusion: that they live in a just society where laws are something other than words on a piece of paper. By pretending that laws have meaning, they implore the government to give them meaning – a step which the Karimov regime seems unwilling to take. Adolat’s legal experts encourage discussion of civic issues and answer questions submitted by readers. (Sample query: “Where can I complain about abuse by the police?”) A lawyer who works for Adolat told me that the goal is not to “give fish” but to teach Uzbeks to “fish for themselves”. He believes a regular reader of the site should by now be well-versed in writing an official complaint.

The internet is often derided as a medium of inherent inaccuracy, the phrase “But I read it on the internet!” a punch line. But for Adolat, the internet serves as a way to turn Uzbekistan’s lip-service law into something sincere.

Read the full article here.

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